At Odds with Europe

 May 11, 2013

Since its reunification 22 years ago, Germany has become the leading economic power in Europe. The sovereign debt crisis has offered it the opportunity to translate economic might into political clout within the EU. Problem is, as the austerity policies currently ravaging the continent illustrate, German politicians – from both the right and the New Left – are rather ill-prepared for such a responsible role.

This assessment belongs to former Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, who in 2011 cautioned his party and conationals against issuing economic diktats and against insensitivity to the plight of other, economically less fortunate, EU members (speech re-published by Alternatives Economiques in 2012). He mentioned the fact that the German trade surplus had been obtained at the expense of other countries’ deficits. (Gerhard Schröder labour market reforms prevent Germany from acting as consumer of last resort in Europe, as the purchasing power of millions of Germans has suffered severe reductions over the past few years. The current leadership’s refusal to introduce a minimum hourly wage and its insistence on the imposition of draconian austerity packages in Southern Europe have greatly unsettled a majority of its partners within the Union).

In this election year, German politicians would therefore be wise to keep in mind Helmut Schmidt’s sensible advice:

“Taking into account our central geopolitical position, our unfortunate role in European history until the middle of the 20th century, as well as our current economic performance, the German government has to take the particular care of the interests of our European partners. Such altruism is indispensable.”

Hedging One's Bets

 May 2, 2013

At the periphery of the European Union, two candidates for membership are trying to hedge their geopolitical bets.

Turkey, the largest of the two, is a long-standing NATO member but has also gained recently ” dialogue partner “status within SCO (Shanghai Co-operation Organization) , which includes China, Russia and four of the “five stans”. While some Western analysts consider Turkey’s SCO membership bid as a bluff used by Ankara in order to speed up EU accession talks, insiders claim that the move is intended to bring in line its military alliances with the country’s new geopolitical agenda, as well as to secure access to the oil and gas reserves from Central Asia. On the 29th of April 2013 Secretary General of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Dmitry Mezentsev has stated that the “dialogue partner” status given to Turkey would make the organization more influential. ( as quoted by Turkish Weekly )

Mezentsev’s positive remarks came after Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu commented on further Turkish-SCO cooperation on Friday. “ We declare our destiny to be the same as that of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization countries,” . (Today’s Zaman )

The same negotiating difficulties with the EU determined Serbia to apply for membership within the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization ) , a military alliance founded in 1992 by Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Serbia obtained candidate status last year and was given observer status as of April the 11 this year. According to general Leonid Ivachov, former director of international military co-operation within Russia’s defense ministry, Serbia’s possible membership of the CSTO “ represents a breakthrough for Russia and its allies, which will help it defend its geopolitical interests in Southern Europe “. (Nezavissimaia Gazeta from Moscow, as quoted by Courrier International ) According to Ivachov, Serbia’s membership also gives Russia the possibility to deploy in the Balkans peace keeping forces and to extend to Belgrade military aid on very favorable terms.

Meanwhile, both Serbia and Turkey continue to negotiate with Brussels and are making sustained political efforts to mend fences with the Kossovars and the Kurds, respectively.